This book, which is now presented to American
readers for the first time, has a unique history, and forms a
vital part of Liebknecht's long struggle against militarism.
In September, 1906, Dr. Karl Liebknecht, the author, delivered
a lecture on "Militarism" at a conference of young
people Germany. The revised lecture was published in book form
and the most important portions appear in the following pages.
For some time, the German authorities paid little heed to it,
and it was not until April 23, 1907, that the book was confiscated
and the author charged with treason.
Liebknecht's trial began on the ninth of October,
1907, and lasted three days. The defendant was found guilty and
sentenced to a year and a half of imprisonment. In sentencing
him, the Imperial Court declared that Liebknecht aimed at the
abolition of the standing army, and that this army was an integral
part of the nation's constitution. In one statement, made in
the latter part of his lecture, he had theorized concerning the
possible future activities of the troops in behalf of the coming
revolution, asserting that these activities might be regarded
as the logical result of the demoralization of the military spirit.
From this statement, which was a purely theoretical hypothesis,
the Imperial Court concluded that Liebknecht's intention was
to injure the morale of the army. The destruction of this morale,
it declared, could be brought about only by forcible means, and
the use of such means was but the first step in the destruction
of the constitution. The court paid absolutely no attention to
the statement of the author that only lawful means should be
used in bringing about the change, and that no agitation should
be conducted which would incite the soldiers directly or indirectly
to disobedience. The Socialist Party, Liebknecht had maintained,
as in the past, should energetically defend the private soldiers
and the non-commissioned officers, should represent their material
and professional interests in the press and in parliament and
should endeavor tactfully to win the sympathies of these circles.
In such remarks a German Imperial Court discovered high treason!
The trial was one of the most sensational
ever held in Europe. The Kaiser, it was afterwards learned, was
kept constantly in touch with the progress of the trial by
a special wire. The attorney general urged the accused to
plead guilty and promised, if this were done, to ask the court
for clemency. To this plea, Liebknecht quickly retorted, "I
take entire responsibility for every word~I have written."
On the second day of the trial, the defendant declared in open
court that he was convinced that a verdict of guilty had already
been decided on. His address to the judges was one of the clearest,
most incisive and boldest attacks ever made against German militarism.
"The aim of my life," he declared,
"is the overthrow of monarchy, as well as the emancipation
of the exploited working class from political and economic bondage.
As my father, who appeared before this court exactly thirty-five
years ago to defend himself against the charge of treason; was
ultimately pronounced victor, so I believe the day not far distant
when the principles which I represent will be recognized as patriotic,
as honorable, as true."
Liebknecht's courageous stand on this occasion
was rewarded by a sentence of a year and a half in a military
prison, as before stated. As a sharp rebuke to this sentence,
the working people of Berlin promptly nominated and elected him,
while still in prison, as their representative for the Prussian
Landtag. It was in the Landtag that Liebknecht started his real
campaign against Prussian militarism. His attacks against the
system were bitter. Time without number he was called to order
by the chair; frequently he was removed from the floor of the
chamber.
He represented the working people of Berlin,
as well, in the Common Council, and in 1912, the citizens of
Potsdam-Spandau who were employed for the most part in government
ammunition works, selected him as their representative in the
Reichstag. I saw Liebknecht during the great campaign preceding
his election. He described the methods employed by the government
to defeat him. The government endeavored to show that he was
anti-patriotic, because he had failed to uphold its hands in
the Morocco affair. To this the workers gave a deaf ear. The
next move was an attempt to terrorize the state employees. The
authorities even went so far as to make a ruling prohibiting
them from voting for him on the ground that he was an enemy of
the state. However, the dissatisfaction with the government was
great. The campaign of intimidation failed and Liebknecht was
elected by an overwhelming vote, to the intense joy of those
who knew and loved him.
I saw the surging crowd before the office
of the Berlin Vorwarts the night of the election, and
heard the wild applause when announcement of his election was
made. A young workingman exclaimed to those who were around him:"The
new voice of freedom will be heard from now on in the Reichstag."
The words were prophetic. This body never heard stronger protests
against the domination of the civil mind by the military than
those which this new apostle uttered. He issued his invectives
against the armament trust, and showed its corrupting influence
over government officials and press. He gave to the public the
story of a late Prussian general, who lived by borrowing a not
infrequent habit of these officers and by trading in government
medals and positions and honorary titles. The general had been
in the good graces of the Kaiser, and the story did little to
increase the prestige of the latter or of the military caste.
The man about to be selected by the Kaiser as war secretary was
exposed by the anti-militarist member of Parliament as an ordinary
swindler and the honesty of the military group was thereby further
brought into question.
Liebknecht also raised his voice in behalf
of a German Republic at a time when those who now declare that
the only way to end the war is by making Germany a republic,
supported and encouraged the German monarchy. On one memorable
occasion, in a debate in the Prussian Landtag over the building
of the new opera house, Liebknecht took the floor and declared:
"The opera house for which we are asked to vote the necessary
funds, should last for many generations. We trust that it will
last long after it has lost its character as a Royal Opera House."
This daring statement brought upon his head
scathing denunciations from the majority of the members, who
were unable to imagine how one could dare suggest a republic
in a Prussian parliament. And this pronouncement was issued long
before kings and presidents dreamed of fighting to make the world
safe for democracy, for humanity.
When the European war broke out, a meeting
was called of the Social-Democratic members of the Reichstag,
for the purpose of deciding what stand the party should take
on the war. Karl Kautsky, the theoretical leader of Socialism,
was also invited. It was, perhaps, the stormiest meeting ever
held by that group. The majority contended that this was a war
of defense; that Germany was attacked by Russia; that, although
there was little liberty in Germany, there was still less in
Russia, and that Socialists should, therefore, vote for the war
budget. Furthermore, some argued, by this action it will be possible
for Socialists to secure further rights from the government.
Should they take the opposite course, the funds of the labor
unions will be confiscated, and the Socialist press and movement,
built up through long years of painful endeavor, will be destroyed.
Finally, as Socialists do not constitute the majority, the war
budget will, in any case, be passed whether they support it or
not.
A second group, represented by Kautsky, advised
that the party abstain from voting altogether. A vote against
the war budget might leave the country defenseless. The Socialist,
it was understood, would defend the country in case of attack,
especially should such attack come from such a country as Russia.
Germany, this group believed, was then being attacked by the
forces of the Czar. By taking the middle-of-the road position,
and voting neither for nor against the budget, the Socialist
would not be voting against the defence of his country, and on
the other hand, would not be assuming responsibility for all
of the acts committed by his government prior to the war. Since
then, it may be said in passing, Kautsky has taken a more militant
position against the war.
The third group was represented by Liebknecht.
"This war," argued Liebknecht and his followers, "is
an imperialist war for-domination of world markets, and for the
benefit of bankers and manufacturers. It is also a war tending
to destroy' the growing labor movement. It is not a war of' defense.
It is therefore our plain duty to vote against the war budget."
The first position won out, and according
to the rules governing the organization of the group, the minority
had to bow to the decision of the majority. It was for this reason
that the entire Social Democratic delegation voted for the war
budget at the first open meeting of the Reichstag after the outbreak
of the war. At the second session in December Liebknecht was
the only man who dared to stand up in the Reichstag. against
the decision of all parties and vote against the budget.
He not only cast his vote, but he also dared-
to state in an open meeting of the Reichstag to a Germany then
apparently victorious, that the Germans were the aggressors in
the war, and that it was an imperialistic war provoked by his
country and Austria. He protested against the violation of Belgium
and Luxembourg; against the military dictatorship; against Prussian
and German autocracy. Whether one agrees or disagrees with his
position, one cannot but admit the courageous character of the
act, which is bound to be recorded as one of the most heroic
of the world drama.
On May. 1, 1916, Liebknecht participated in
a May Day Peace demonstration in Berlin. It was on this occasion
that he delivered the peace address which brought- to him an
imprisonment of four years and one month of hard labor.
"We Germans in Prussia," he declared,
"have three cardinal rights: the right to be soldiers, to
pay taxes, to keep our tongues between our teeth.
"Poverty and misery, need and starvation,
are ruling in Germany. Belgium, Poland and Serbia, whose blood
the vampire of imperialism is sucking, resemble vast cemeteries2
The entire world, the much praised European civilization, is
falling into ruin through the anarchy which has been let loose
by the world war.
"Those who profit from the war desire
war with America. To-morrow, perhaps, they may order us to aim
weapons against new groups of our brothers, against our fellow
workers in America. Consider well the fact: as long as the German
people do not rise and enforce their own will, the assassination
of the people will continue. Let thousands of voices shout: 'Down
with the shameless extermination of nations! Down with those
who are responsible for these crimes !' "
Immediately after his anti-war address, Liebknecht
was arrested. He claimed parliamentary immunity, but this claim
was not allowed. While in prison awaiting trial, he sent two
letters to the military court, containing the reasons why he
opposed the German government, militarism and the war. These
letters are powerful indictments against these institutions as
well as against international capitalism the breeder of war.
"The cry of down with the war" is
meant to give voice to the fact that I thoroughly condemn and
oppose the present war because of its historical nature; because
of its general social causes; the particular way in which it
was brought about, the manner in which it is conducted and the
object for which it is fought. I oppose it also in the belief
that it is the duty of every representative of the proletariat
to take part in the international class struggle for the purpose
of putting an end thereto. As a Socialist, I am a thorough-going
opponent of the existing military system as well as of this war.
I have always supported with all my power the battle against
militarism. Its overthrow is a particularly important task for
the working class of all countries to perform; in fact, it is
a matter of life and death to them.
"In partnership with the Austrian government,"
he declared, "it [the German government] plotted to bring
about this war and thus burdened itself with the principal responsibility
for its immediate outbreak. It began the war by misleading the
masses of people, and even by misleading the Reichstag compare,
among other things, the concealment of the ultimatum to Belgium,
the make-up of the German White Book, the elimination therefrom
of the dispatch of the Czar on July 29,1914, etc. and it continues
to maintain war sentiment among the people by the use of reprehensible
methods."
Those letters show Liebknecht in his true
light. He is not only, as some try to paint him, an opponent
of this war, but is an opponent of all wars. He is not only committed
to the fight against reaction at home, but to that against autocracy,
wherever it exists.
On June 28, 1916, Karl Liebknecht was sentenced
to thirty months' penal servitude. The trial was secret. When
the public prosecutor asked for this secrecy Liebknecht exclaimed:
"It is cowardice on your part, gentlemen. yes, I repeat,
that you are cowards if you close these doors. You should be
ashamed of yourself." Despite this protest the public was
excluded.
When the news of the sentence was conveyed
to the people crowding outside of the court room, a cry went
forth, "Our Liebknecht has been condemned to two years and
a half imprisonment. Long live Liebknecht!"
An appeal was made, but resulted only in an
increase in the term of sentence to one of more than four years,
and further appeal was denied. At present, Liebknecht is in prison
making shoes, presumably, some one asserted, to help the Prussian
government to stand on its feet. Sentenced, as he is to penal
servitude, it is impossible for him to practice law again, and
his legal career seems thus a thing of the past. The German ruling
class has now accomplished. its object. It has Karl Liebknecht,
one of the noblest and truest fighters for democracy and freedom,
safely behind prison bars.
In all his agitation against war and militarism,
and against political despotism, Karl Liebknecht has proved a
worthy son of a great sire. Whenever he enters a fight which
he deems a righteous one, he throws into it his whole being,
regardless of personal consequences. His unfailing courtesy and
hospitality are recognized by all who know him. "To meet
him is to love him," is a phrase not inappropriately bestowed
when applied to this fighter for democracy.
A brief sketch of Liebknecht may be of interest.
He was born in Leipzig in August, 1871, the same year that his
father was arrested on the charge of high treason. He studied
first in Leipzig and then in Berlin, where he attended the University.
From this institution he received his doctor's degree in political
economy and law.
Liebknecht began his career of social enlightenment
by organizing literary societies for the study of social problems.
Later in Berlin he became active in the Socialist movement. His
law office he had three partners, of whom two were his brothers
was always a mecca for the oppressed. Almost any day, waiting
in that office for Liebknecht who would reach there after his
duties were over at the Reichstag, the Landtag or the Common
Council, one would find audiences of many kinds. Some would be
there to consult him on legal matters; some were students from
home and abroad desiring personal advice and material help. Here
was one looking for a position; another, desiring Liebknecht's
help in getting articles published in the Socialist press; a
third seeking information about entrance conditions at the university;
still another anxious to be spared from police persecution. All
were received with the utmost courtesy. All obtained a word of
advice and help from "our Karl," as his friends call
him.
In private life, Liebknecht has proved a fond
husband and a loving father. His present wife his first is deceased
is a Russian by birth, a graduate of the University of Heidelberg,
and is an ideal life companion.
Liebknecht's vision has often proved prophetic.
I remember well the conversation I had with him in 1912, just
after the outbreak of the first Balkan, war when all Europe was
on the qui vive, expecting momentarily that the Balkan war would
spread throughout the continent. I arrived in Berlin rather late
in the evening, immediately went to Liebknecht's office, and
while traveling home with him discussed the political situation.
Bethmann-Hollweg had delivered a speech in the Reichstag that
very day.
"This speech," remarked Liebknecht,
in a tone filled with seriousness, "has made it clear to
me that Germany will back up Austria under all circumstances."
"How long would it take Germany to mobilize?"
I asked him.
"About thirty-six hours," he declared.
And from Liebknecht's tone one could see that he had the picture
of the world tragedy before his eyes. I asked him what position
the Socialists would take. He paused long and finally answered
the question with a grave "It depends." There was something
in the man's face and tone that haunted me, that now makes me
certain that Liebknecht then had a very clear vision of the dark
days ahead for the socialist movement and for the world.
What the future holds in store for Liebknecht,
no one can tell. It may be predicted with some degree of assurance,
however, that his activities are by no means over. The world,
with justice, expects much from him in the days that are to come.
The foregoing constitutes but a brief and
inadequate sketch of the activities of Liebknecht by a personal
friend who believes that in him the world will recognize one
of the most heroic figures of the present crisis and that the
day is near when all Germany will proclaim him the man above
all others who "sowed the seed that freedom men might reap,"
and that not only in Germany.
A PERSONAL FRIEND OF KARL LIEBKNECHT
I. The Nature and Significance of Militarism
Origin and Foundation of Forms of Social Domination
